SACRAMENTO, Calif. -- Rudolph W. Giuliani is selling himself as a doer in a world of can't-do politicians. But can he close the deal as a moderate in America's conservative party?
The former New York mayor tops the most recent Republican presidential polls. Running as an outsider, he is playing to voter disgust with Congress and lack of progress on energy security, immigration reform, shoring up Social Security and other problems.
"What we pay people in Washington for is leadership," he said Saturday with a wag of his finger, bringing 800 California Republicans, most of them conservatives and many wearing "I (heart) Rudy" buttons, to their feet, clapping and cheering.
His appeals to his party's conservative base emphasize a muscular foreign policy, taking the offensive against terrorists, cutting taxes and limiting government's reach.
So far, though, he's skirting the social issues that are near and dear to conservative activists - and that could make or break his candidacy. His support for abortion rights, gun control and gay rights paint him as a social liberal and are sharply at odds with the views of those who play an outsized role in choosing the party's nominees.
Republicans need to "put a new face on our founding principles" and "emphasize not what we're against but what we're for," said Giuliani, 62.
At the heart of his candidacy is a question: Do evangelical Christians and social conservatives, who have dominated the Republican Party for the past three decades, still have veto power over the nomination? If they do, Giuliani might not have a prayer, despite what the polls say now.
Privately, even some of his advisers aren't sure that their party is ready for change, which makes his campaign, in effect, an expensive political science experiment. The price tag for running, upward of $100 million, probably is within reach for Giuliani, who is tapping New York's financial community, among other sources.
Internal campaign documents, apparently misplaced by a fundraising aide last fall and later leaked to New York's Daily News, contained a list of challenges he must overcome, including "social issues." Also on the list: scrutiny of his business dealings and sometimes messy personal life.
President Bush's 2004 nomination of Giuliani's then-business partner, Bernard Kerik, to head the Department of Homeland Security, was withdrawn a week later, embarrassing Giuliani, who had vouched for his friend. A multimillion-dollar contract by Giuliani's firm to advise Mexican businessmen about security is drawing fire from conservative bloggers, who worry that he won't be tough enough on America's southern neighbor.
Giuliani's two divorces and questions about his fiery temperament will be dissected under the microscope of a presidential campaign, as will his marriage to Judith Nathan, his third wife.
The Brooklyn native served as a Justice Department official in the Reagan administration, but a decade earlier he voted for antiwar Democrat George McGovern against President Richard M. Nixon. In 1994, he endorsed liberal Democrat Mario M. Cuomo over Republican George E. Pataki in the New York governor's race.
Giuliani has opposed the gun lobby, a powerful force in GOP politics, numerous times, including over a ban on assault weapons. He has said that Congress should pass a law requiring every state to license all handgun owners.
Any shifts in these long-held positions risk undermining Giuliani's image as a straight-shooter, which supporters call one of his greatest assets.
"I like straight talk and being direct and telling people the truth," he told delegates to the California Republican convention.
Still, he has changed his stance on at least one social issue. He now says he favors a ban on late-term abortions, which opponents call partial-birth abortion, except when the mother's life is in danger. In 2000, he said the choice of obtaining a late-term abortion should be left to the mother.
Strategists say that if Giuliani becomes the nominee, it would confirm that Republicans are moving to the left on social and cultural issues. That could help put key states that have voted Democratic in recent elections, including California, back in play in 2008.
For a moderate Republican to win the nomination, "it's always going to be an uphill fight. But it's not nearly as uphill when that candidate is also the hero of Sept. 11," said Dan Schnur, who worked for Sen. John McCain in the 2000 presidential contest but is not active in the 2008 campaign.
One factor that could help Giuliani's chances: the lack of a strong social conservative challenger in the current field.
The Republican contest poses "a problem for pro-lifers, who don't have a candidate in this cycle," said Jeff Bell, who managed the 2000 presidential bid of social conservative Gary Bauer. Two contenders on the Republican right, Sen. Sam Brownback of Kansas and former Gov. Mike Huckabee of Arkansas, lack the funding base to compete effectively, he said.
Giuliani also could benefit from a changing primary calendar. States where he could expect to do well, including California, Illinois and Florida, are attempting to shift their contests to early February, ahead of most states in the South, where his prospects are more clouded. But those changes could also help McCain, who remains the early favorite of the party establishment.
Giuliani has been campaigning for months - his latest visit to California was, by his count, his 23rd - but has been slow to put together a campaign. His critics, though, are increasingly active.
An anti-Giuliani protester at the California Republican gathering handed out mock gay marriage certificates, dated 2009, with "President" Giuliani's name on them. Giuliani's longtime backing for gay rights includes support for gay civil unions.
On the first day of his five-day California swing, a blog popular with state conservatives, Flash Report.org, posted a YouTube clip from a February 2000 Meet the Press in which Giuliani boasts that no public official in the nation is "more strongly pro-immigrant than I am."
For conservatives who want a president who will crack down on illegal immigration, that sort of talk is very troubling.
"That's a big mistake," said Linda Sutter, 50, of Crescent City, Calif., who supports Giuliani because "I feel secure with him." After learning about his positions on immigration and other issues, the retired correctional officer acknowledged that she was "not completely informed. ... Some of those things might stop me from voting for him."
Even those who have joined his campaign acknowledge that their knowledge of his views is sketchy.
Laura Hancock, 59, who runs a small business with her husband in Placer County, in the Sierra Nevada foothills, said Giuliani's "leadership qualities" trump everything else.
"If we're not safe, nothing else matters," said Hancock, who is coordinating Giuliani's campaign in her county. The conservative Christian said the issue of abortion "is between a woman and God," but cuts short an interview after acknowledging that she isn't familiar with her candidate's positions on many issues.
Mike Gomez, 58, a county health department worker from Vallejo, is well aware of Giuliani's views on social issues - and disagrees with nearly all of them.
Still, for the first time, the conservative Republican is planning to vote for a presidential candidate who favors abortion rights. The overriding factor: Giuliani's leadership in the wake of the Sept. 11 attacks and his stand against terrorism.
"That's the big tomato," Gomez said.
paul.west@baltsun.com