IT IS convenient to dismiss Kathleen Kennedy Townsend as Maryland's version of Al Gore.

Both were children of storied political families who tried to succeed their bosses as chief executives. Both were awkward on the stump, visibly uncomfortable in their political skins. Both used Bob Shrum's "I Will Fight For You" mantra to try to depict well-financed, underestimated opponents as out-of-the-mainstream ideologues. Both won their campaign debates on points but turned off broader audiences. Both lost.

And when their campaigns ended, both Ms. Townsend and Mr. Gore were blamed by their chief executive bosses for losing winnable races.

But that is where the parallels end. While President Bill Clinton was right to blame Mr. Gore for blowing the 2000 presidential election, Gov. Parris N. Glendening has no business making Ms. Townsend the scapegoat for losing the Maryland governor's race to Rep. Robert L. Ehrlich Jr.

Mr. Clinton was trying to rebuild a struggling national party and handed it over to Mr. Gore, who fumbled. By contrast, Mr. Glendening inherited a dominant state party, fumbled around with it, then blamed Ms. Townsend for the turnover.

Mr. Glendening and his political right hand, Secretary of State John T. Willis, like to say good policy makes good politics. To his credit, Mr. Glendening did an extraordinary job on the environment and education (especially higher education) and took admirable moral stands on abortion, gun control and the death penalty.

But good policy, though necessary for good politics, is not sufficient. And Mr. Glendening simply refused to do the sort of politicking that kept Maryland Democrats in control for decades. Mr. Glendening let the Democrats lose their grip on state politics, and it will forever obscure whatever policy legacy he leaves.

He did not build bridges between the liberal and conservative wings of the party, he was not a dedicated enough fund-raiser and he soured party relations with organized labor. His thumb-in-the-eye attempt to run Mr. Willis against former Gov. William Donald Schaefer for state comptroller was the final insult added to the injuries Mr. Glendening inflicted on the party.

As Mr. Glendening's narrow 1994 victory warned, the fires of partisan change were just beneath the surface. But for eight years, the governor fiddled while Rome burned. Instead of becoming the next in a long line of state party heroes, he turned out to be the Democrats' Nero.

That said, the criticism of Ms. Townsend by Mr. Glendening and Mr. Willis was careless and unfair. They blew several big holes in the side of the Democratic ship, put Ms. Townsend in the captain's seat and blamed her for sinking it. She made her share of mistakes, sure. But more blame falls on them, and Ms. Townsend deserves a public apology.

Looking ahead, the Democrats still dominate state politics. But if they want to surgically remove what they should view as a dangerous partisan cancer in the form of Mr. Ehrlich, four steps are necessary:

First, the party's big guns -- including the eight members of its congressional delegation; county executives Douglas M. Duncan (Montgomery), James T. Smith Jr. (Baltimore) and Jack Johnson (Prince George's); Speaker-to-be Michael E. Busch; Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller; and Baltimore Mayor Martin O'Malley -- should convene a summit by early spring to set the party's agenda.

Second, they should pledge to aggressively raise money, not only for themselves but also for the party. They could co-host fund-raisers in pairs that remind voters of the party's crossover appeal -- for example, Rep.-elect Christopher Van Hollen Jr. and Rep. Elijah E. Cummings speaking about the proposed Inter-county Connector, or Mr. O'Malley and Rep.-elect C.A. Dutch Ruppersberger talking city-county politics.

Third, the party's headquarters should be moved to the Baltimore area. Without a Democratic governor, there's no reason to remain in its current cramped spaces in Annapolis. (The vacated Townsend campaign offices in Mount Washington are suitable and near many core Democratic constituencies.) Democratic leaders should also strengthen the county central committees that form the party's organizational backbone.

Finally, and most important, Democrats need to repair damaged relationships with organized labor, especially the Metropolitan Baltimore Council of AFL-CIO and its 200 affiliated unions.

The Democrats are hardly dead, and Mr. Ehrlich had better not relax. With a little vision, some fence-mending and a lot of work, the Democrats will be poised to take back the State House in 2006.

Thomas F. Schaller is an assistant professor of political science at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County.