Over scrambled eggs, coffee and lofty rhetoric this week, lobbyist Alan M. Rifkin introduced Lt. Gov. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend and House Speaker Casper R. Taylor Jr. as true leaders with whom he has close relationships.

Rifkin's power breakfast gave more than 125 of his lobbying and law firm clients a chance to see him at a head table with two of the state's top public officials. For their part, Townsend and Taylor were widening their networks of potential allies and campaign contributors.

Smoothly and skillfully, Rifkin, Townsend and Taylor were exhibiting the interdependence of Annapolis lobbyists -- Maryland's "third house" -- and elected officials. It's a not-so-subtle dance that helps the lobbyists win and keep wealthy clients and helps fill elected officials' campaign accounts.

Rifkin's forum and those held by his competitors also illustrate the evolution of Annapolis lobbying -- now often done by large firms with diverse expertise that attract a broad client base, an expanse of wealthy opinion leaders that political leaders want to know.

And of course, lobbyists' influence and income grow alongside their client bases.

At his breakfast Monday, Rifkin hailed Townsend, the keynote speaker, as "a true leader and a wonderful lieutenant governor."

In turn, the lieutenant governor said, "The governor and I have enormous respect for this firm" -- Rifkin, Livingston, Levitan and Silver.

Taylor was introduced by Rifkin as "my friend" and a man of "extraordinary vision and integrity." Taylor did not return the lavish praise but noted later that the intended message conveyed by his appearance was unmistakable.

"There's no question he was using Kathleen and me to impress the people in the room that he's the right guy to call to get something done in the General Assembly," Taylor said.

Every Annapolis lobbyist wants to do something similar, the speaker said. And many of them use similar events to highlight inside information, introducing their clients to the officials who can control the fate of businesses and shape state government policy. The result can be a masterful blending of business and high purpose.

Townsend's chief aide, Alan H. Fleischman, called the Rifkin affair "a great opportunity" for Townsend to explain her hopes for Maryland. But to some extent, she spent the time suggesting how significantly her own role in state government has grown.

With the next election four years away, the fund-raising potential inherent in such a group, Fleischman said, is secondary now to making sure the widest circle of Maryland opinion leaders has heard her speak.

"She wants people to feel a certain amount of ownership in what she's doing," he said. "She's got a good relationship with a lot of lobbyists. It's a way for her to speak with their clients."

'A great opportunity'

Any number of Rifkin's competitors have staged versions of the same show in surroundings as splendid as the one in which he held the breakfast, the Camden Club overlooking Oriole Park.

Gary R. Alexander, a former legislator with marquee clients and close ties to Taylor, holds his legislative preview breakfast in October. His speakers have included Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller; Senate Finance Committee Chairman Thomas L. Bromwell, a Baltimore County Democrat; and House Economic Matters Committee Chairman Michael E. Busch, an Anne Arundel County Democrat.

"It's a great opportunity for our clients to learn about the upcoming session," Alexander said.

The Baltimore law firm of Gordon, Feinblatt, Rothman, Hoffberger and Hollander held a series of breakfasts featuring a number of legislators at the Center Club with former Gov. William Donald Schaefer serving as host -- before he was elected state comptroller in the fall.

Lobbyist Dennis F. Rasmussen, a former state senator and Baltimore County executive, said he plans to begin holding a similar get-together before the next legislative session.

Rifkin called his event a forum in which public officials can "share their ideas with a sophisticated crowd." But he acknowledged Taylor's point: "There's no denying it's beneficial for the firm to have key elected officials see the depth of our clientele."

The opportunity has its financial side. About a third of the 150 or so business people, lawyers and industry association representatives who attended the Rifkin function made contributions that, combined, totaled more than $59,000 to Gov. Parris N. Glendening and Townsend, according to a survey of campaign contribution records.

Republican Ellen R. Sauerbrey, who lost to Glendening in November, also was a beneficiary of contributions from the Rifkin firm's broadening circle of wealthy and influential clients. One of these, Joseph A. De Francis, controlling stockholder of Maryland's two thoroughbred racetracks, Pimlico Race Course and Laurel Park, spent as much as $200,000 on pro-racing advertisements widely interpreted as pro-Sauerbrey.

De Francis, who attended Monday's breakfast, may be hoping for a closer relationship with Townsend -- and some in the audience may have been pleased to hear from someone regarded by some as the front-runner for governor in 2002.

Among Rifkin's clients: Sverdrup, a Swedish engineering firm with offices in Baltimore; Ernst & Young, a capital reinvestment firm; Leucadia National Corp., now a major stockholder in Pimlico and Laurel; Jones Cable; Yellow Transportation; Motorola Inc.; Commercial Credit Corp.; Green Mountain Energy, a power company in Vermont; Computer Data Systems Inc.; and Peter G. Angelos, principal owner of the Baltimore Orioles.

'My leadership'

They heard Townsend deliver a campaign oration, replete with such phrases as "under my leadership" and news about her new two-member Cabinet: the secretary of employment and economic development, Richard C. Mike Lewin, and Transportation Secretary, John D. Porcari.

Taylor said a "metamorphosis" had occurred within the Glendening-Townsend administration, allowing it to focus more sharply on economic development: "The smartest thing Parris has done is put economic development back on the agenda and giving it to Kathleen."

He said he was hopeful again that Maryland's have-not counties -- Baltimore and his home county of Allegany -- would get the attention they desperately need.

As for the attention he might get, Taylor said, Rifkin's clients knew the game as well as he. "Any time any one of us can get ourselves in front of that kind of audience -- orchestrated by a lobbyist or an interest group -- we do," he said.

And as for the value his appearance has for a lobbyist's clients, the speaker was considerably less expansive: "Everybody in that audience is saying, 'Listen to that BS.' They know he's never going to tell them how many times I've voted against him."

Sun research librarian Andrea Wilson contributed to this article.

Pub Date: 3/05/99