On a recent campaign stop at the University of Maryland, College Park, Gov. Parris N. Glendening seemed to find his element. For an hour, he talked with a group of honor students, enthusiastically outlining his proposal for a new state-funded scholarship for those who want to make teaching their career.

Glendening, who taught at College Park for a quarter century and calls education his "passion," turned to a reporter as he left and beamed.

"You can tell I really like this stuff, can't you?" he asked.

If the governor had his way, that would be the image every Maryland voter takes to the polls a week from Tuesday - Parris Glendening, Policy Maven, advancing solutions to problems such as the state's teacher shortage.

Political observers say that if the election were strictly a referendum on Glendening's policy record, he would probably be comfortably ahead of Republican Ellen R. Sauerbrey in the polls - as his agenda has seemed to be in sync with public opinion.

Senate President Thomas V. Mike Miller, now an ally after years of feuding, says Glendening, 56, has had the most substantive four-year term of any governor in memory.

But over that term, Glendening has wasted valuable goodwill slogging through fund-raising missteps, political squabbles with fellow Democrats and lapses in judgment, distracting attention from seemingly popular ideas such as teacher scholarships.

The result: Glendening enters the final week of the campaign locked in a too-close-to-call race against Sauerbrey in a rematch of their 1994 battle.

"It is probably the most perplexing question in Maryland's politics, maybe in the last 20 years," said Keith Haller, a Bethesda-based pollster who is closely following the election. "Why someone like Parris Glendening, with a fairly strong record and a number of major initiatives under his belt - the state being by all objective standards sound financially - why such a politician wouldn't enjoy a more commanding lead or higher popularity ratings."

During the four-year term, Glendening:

* Led the creation of a new health insurance program for 60,000 low-income mothers and children, funded with both state and federal money.

* Committed $633 million to building and renovating schools, the largest four-year amount in a quarter-century.

* Launched a multiyear effort of new aid for the developmentally disabled, a move designed to erase the long-standing waiting list for services.

* Won passage of a law prohibiting people from buying more than one handgun a month, an effort to prevent gun-running.

* Enacted a Smart Growth policy to try to stem suburban sprawl and a runoff-control plan in response to last year's Pfiesteria outbreak on the Eastern Shore.

Finally, Glendening embraced a partial version of Sauerbrey's 1994 campaign centerpiece, steering a 10 percent income tax cut through the General Assembly.

But his successes in office have not come close to guaranteeing a second four-year term.

Glendening has explanations.

"There are a lot of reasons" why he isn't doing better in the polls, the governor said in a recent interview. "Some of them were our doing, some of them were out of our control."

Glendening attributes some of his problems to the highly competitive Democratic primary fight he had in 1994, his narrow 5,993-vote margin of victory over Sauerbrey that year, and the ensuing court challenge in which the Republicans battered Glendening and the Democrats with charges of election fraud.

While those factors clearly contributed to a shaky start to his term, Glendening had full control over two matters that have become hallmarks, for better or worse, of his time in office.

For one, Glendening repeatedly prompted questions about his character, beginning in the first weeks of his administration when newspapers disclosed an early pension plan he helped put in place for himself and top aides in Prince George's County. Other missteps followed, including his public disagreement with a key ally, Baltimore Mayor Kurt L. Schmoke, over what happened in a private meeting over slot machines.

Last month, Glendening raised questions about his loyalty when he overtly distanced himself from President Clinton, suggesting that the president was not a good role model.

The reaction was ugly, with many Democrats blasting Glendening for abandoning Clinton to score political points. The governor has since backtracked and appeared with the president, saying that since Clinton had apologized for the Monica Lewinsky affair, it was time for the nation to forgive him.

Secondly, Glendening unexpectedly became the champion of a politically explosive idea - state funding for professional football stadiums.

Having the taxpayers help build one stadium for a wealthy team owner would be risky enough. But circumstances coalesced in a way that found Glendening pushing for state assistance for two - the Ravens stadium in downtown Baltimore and infrastructure improvements for the privately financed Washington Redskins stadium in Landover.

Unpopular issue

While the Ravens stadium meant the return of professional football to Baltimore, polls show the state's investment in the project remains unpopular with most voters. Across the state, they register unhappiness with the deal.

Leonard Scott, president of the Cedonia Community Association Northeast Baltimore, would seem to be a natural Glendening ally - African-American, Democrat, municipal employee - but is disturbed by the governor's treatment of Clinton, as well as the decision to use state money for a stadium rather than neighborhood needs.

"He gave that precedence over what's going on in the community," said Scott, who calls himself undecided in the race.

Glendening rarely brings up the Ravens stadium, but when asked, says it was an important element in continuing the rejuvenation of downtown Baltimore.

"In today's world, the economic life, the night life, the weekend life of a downtown central city is increasingly based on leisure, based on recreation and athletic activities," he said.

Acknowleging mistakes

As for the character question, Glendening has made a point lately of acknowledging mistakes, citing in particular the pension matter.

"We made some mistakes," he said. "Let me make it clear. We didn't. I did. I made a mistake. I should have thought about it, but I did not."

But he says such questions pale in comparison to the choice he and Sauerbrey present to the voters on issues such as environmental protection, gun control, abortion and the overall role of government.

In his television commercials, the governor has tried to alarm voters about his opponent's record as a legislator on such issues.

At the same time, he has talked more directly about his life - recounting his climb out of poverty in South Florida - to try to connect personally with voters.

Looking ahead, Glendening has laid out a second-term agenda that builds on his first.

Second-term agenda

In education, the governor is proposing to hire 1,100 more teachers, continue the state's ambitious spending for building and renovating schools and increase state scholarships.

In the area of public safety, Glendening would expand the "Hot Spots" program championed by Lt. Gov. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, which concentrates state resources in the areas with the most crime, and would seek to ban the sale of handguns that are not "child-proof."

The governor has committed significant new state spending to bring business expansion to Maryland. Last week, he said state revenues are healthy enough that he wants to speed up the five-year, 10 percent income tax cut enacted two years ago. He said he is open to further tax cuts, if revenues allow.

Glendening has not proposed any major environmental initiatives for a second term, although the state could begin to see the results in the next four years of the full implementation of his anti-sprawl policy.

For most politicians, now would seem to be a fortuitous time to be the incumbent governor of Maryland.

Crime and unemployment are down significantly, and the welfare rolls have been cut in half during Glendening's term. Meanwhile, the state has the third-highest median family income in the country and tax revenues continue to flow ahead of projections.

Glendening is hoping that people who might object to his treatment of Clinton, the pension deal or the stadium funding still will look at the big picture on Election Day.

"An activist governor is not going to get people to agree with every single thing," Glendening said.

"You may disagree with the stadium, but look how good the economy is," he said. "Look at how crime is down, welfare down, taxes down. Look at what we're doing with regards to our priorities - investing in education, protecting the environment and getting job training."

The voters will let him know if that's good enough.

Candidates on the Issues

EDUCATION: He has pledged state funds to help local school systems hire an additional 1,100 teachers over four years. He also has promised to spend $500 million over two years to build and renovate schools. And he would expand the state's new scholarship program for science and technology students to cover teaching majors and, eventually, students in all disciplines who maintain a "B" average.

TAXES: With tax revenues continuing to outpace forecasts, he recently proposed that the state speed up its phased-in, 10 percent tax cut. Taxes already have been cut by 5 percent; under his proposal, the second 5 percent cut would take effect next year rather than over several. He has not ruled out additional tax cuts, but has said the state should wait to see how the economy and state revenue collections fare.

ENVIRONMENT: He has campaigned on his first-term record on the environment, stressing his response to the Pfiesteria problem and his Smart Growth anti-sprawl policy. He has proposed no major environmental initiatives for a second term, but has promised to continue implementation of several programs, including open space preservation and the pollution control plans for farmers.

CRIME/GUNS: He says he would triple funding for the "Hot Spots" program to $10 million a year. It targets police efforts in high crime areas. He proposes legislation that would allow only "child-proof" handguns to be sold in Maryland, and he would increase funding for after-school programs to help prevent juvenile crime. A commission he appointed is examining the issue of eliminating parole for violent offenders. He supports the death penalty.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: He has proposed a series of initiatives, including a new $50 million revolving loan fund to help create jobs, and increased spending on job training. He has promised to boost funding for the "Sunny Day" economic development fund from $26 million to $30 million, and would create a $2 million loan fund for small, minority-owned firms.

ABORTION: He strongly supports abortion rights and opposes the changes in Maryland law that Sauerbrey has proposed.

GAMBLING: He has vowed to veto any legislation to allow casino-style gambling in Maryland, including slot machines at the state's horse tracks.

More information about the candidates' positions is available on their campaign Web sites. Glendening's address is www.glendening.org and Sauerbrey's address is www.ellensauerbrey.com

Parris N. Glendening

Age: 56

Home: University Park, Prince George's County.

Family: Wife, Frances Anne. A son.

Education: B.A., M.A., Ph.D., government and urban politics, Florida State University.

Experience: Hyattsville City Council, 1973-1974. Prince George's County Council, 1974-1982, including two years as chairman. Prince George's County executive, 1982-1994. Professor, University of Maryland College Park, 1967-1994.

Running mate: Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, former deputy assistant U.S. attorney general.

Thomas W. Waldron is the State House bureau chief for The Sun.

Pub Date: 10/25/98