JOHANNESBURG, South Africa -- Horror by horror, confession by confession, Archbishop Desmond Tutu is painstakingly compiling the horrific record of apartheid, seeking to enable the new South Africa to lay to rest its bloody, shameful and segregated past.
As chairman of the nation's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the 65-year-old cleric and 1984 Nobel Peace Prize laureate is etching in the details of one of the most inhuman systems ever imposed by man. It is a job that sometimes reduces him to tears.
Police assassins, anti-apartheid terrorists, torture victims, a wife whose husband was "necklaced" in front of her with a gasoline-filled car tire, mothers who found their sons in the morgue -- one by one, they have added their voices to the chorus of national expiation.
Taking a break from gathering their testimony, Tutu, in the white-collared purple shirt of an Anglican bishop, opens an interview with a prayer. But he moves quickly from piety to plumb the depths of apartheid's depravity and the impact it has had on both victim and perpetrator:
"What would you do," Tutu asks, "if you were a mother and you sat there and you heard that your son had been put into a minibus, plied with alcohol, and then, on the border between your country and a foreign country, had some stuff injected into him, and the minibus was then packed with explosives and your son was blown to smithereens?"
"One is shattered in many ways by the revelations, but on the other side you are almost exhilarated by how most people have responded to the truth," he says. "But I have quite seriously wondered how much truth we can tolerate."
Then he adds: "It is important to know who did what, why, and so on. Part of it is that it's going to come out. You keep it in, and it's going to explode somewhere along the way. Do it now, do it openly so you can handle it.
"This is the horror that was apartheid. And those who supported the system must know what they supported. Those who claimed they did not know cannot very well say so now. They know.
"Perhaps most important is [to be able to say], 'Hey, this is the inhumanity we experienced. This is the price we paid,' so it never happens again.
"Just look at the horror of it and see what power can do in corrupting good people, because many, if not all, of the people who supported apartheid are Christians. They went to church every Sunday, and most of the ministers told them that what they were doing had God's sanction, and you have to say 'It happened. It could happen again.' "
"The other thing we have to keep saying to our people is that when someone commits acts as atrocious as this, our temptation is to dismiss them and say, 'They were beasts, they were demons.' We have to relate to our people. 'No, they carried out demonic, bestial acts but they remain human beings. And none of us knows how they would have reacted had they been subjected to the same conditions as these persons.' There is always the possibility of change.
"Those who committed the most ghastly [crimes] have the capacity to be different. They have the capacity to be saved. If you become deterministic and say, 'Once a perpetrator of evil, always a perpetrator of evil,' then let us shut up shop."
The archbishop shows no signs of doing that. He believes the commission is working, not least because testimony that understandably might inflame violence is being accepted with striking passivity by the majority victims of apartheid.
"In one of our hearings, people were brought by bus from an outlying town, and, you know, on that bus you had people who had been victimized and people who were the perpetrators. All those people traveled on the same bus, continue to live in the same township. It's actually quite a miracle."
"Here we are not seeking to do to you what you did to us," he says. "We are stretching out the hand of friendship. You are lucky that we don't want revenge.
"There could be people who say, 'Why don't we kick whites out of all those wonderful houses they are living in because they have had all these unfair advantages all these years?' We say,'No, no, no. Hold your horses. We want to have a new kind of relationship.' There is a price you have to pay for this."
Nevertheless, does he feel it is right for the whites to continue to enjoy the ill-gotten gains of apartheid, while most blacks continue to be deprived of good homes and jobs?
"They are the ones who have to ask that question," he says. "They are the ones who ought to be saying, 'We benefited from an unjust system, what can we do to show that we have contrition?' I would much prefer challenging them, than seeking to be prescriptive."
His answer is typical of the restraint being shown by the new black leadership. Two years ago South Africa was "on the brink of the most awful catastrophe," he says. Then came a negotiated settlement, an agreement under which oppressed and oppressors agreed to live together in peace, with one offering the other amnesty in return for honesty.
"We need to stress to people that there are different kinds of justice," says Tutu. "Granting amnesty does not, in fact, mean you are not satisfying justice. You are satisfying not retributive justice. You are satisfying, if you like, restorative justice."
The commission's forgiving approach is controversial. Its decision this month to grant amnesty to a police officer already serving a 30-year sentence for his involvement in the 1988 massacre of 11 innocent Africans, wrongly identified as anti-apartheid activists, is seen as a test of public tolerance.
Tutu credits President Nelson Mandela and his apartheid-era predecessor, F. W. de Klerk, with playing "a critical role" in the so-far peaceful transition from white supremacy to multiracial democracy.
But what will happen after Mandela, 78, steps aside in 1999? There will not, Tutu predicts, be a Mandela "clone."
"Let's not look for someone who is going to try to fill Nelson's shoes. He would be crazy to ever try to do that."
The likely successor is Thabo Mbeki, a prisoner with Mandela on Robben Island, who was educated in Britain and the Soviet Union. Mbeki, a pipe-smoking moderate, currently shares the deputy presidency in the national unity government with de Klerk, leader of the white-dominated National Party.
After three decades of official discrimination, South Africa's majority blacks are being promised better lives, schools, health care, jobs. But change is slow, and Mandela's successor will have to try to accelerate the redistribution of wealth and power without scuttling the white-dominated sources of either.
"All transitions are potentially risky periods anywhere in the world," says Tutu. "Our people are peace-loving to a fault. They are patient. But we are running the risk of major dissatisfaction, major disillusionment because of many things -- the crime rate, unemployment, the delivery rate [of improvements] has been less than impressive.
"We are passing through a critical period when all sorts of signposts are either standing askew, or have been removed. It is actually giving us an opportunity to try to look for other values. Now we dream.
"We must dream, even if it is a utopian dream."
Pub Date: 12/17/96