WASHINGTON -- Rep. Kweisi Mfume describes himself these days as "a glorified spin doctor" for the Democratic Party.
Which doesn't mean he dislikes his new extracurricular job as vice chairman for communication of the House Democratic Caucus.
When he got it, after the rout of the Democratic Party at the polls in November, the job put the Baltimore congressman within his party's expanded leadership structure for the first time.
Not too many people are surprised. Before the election Mr. Mfume was one of the more visible members of the House. "He's one of the rising stars here," said Rep. Louis Stokes, an Ohio Democrat.
Mr. Mfume's new role, which he shares with Rep. Richard J. Durbin of Illinois, is to formulate the response of House Democrats to specific initiatives of the new Republican majority and craft a general Democratic message.
"I get really invigorated being in the loyal opposition," said Mr. Mfume. "But don't get me wrong. I'm not asking to stay here."
That he is comfortable at what he does was evident during a Feb. 9 airing of Cable News Network's "Crossfire," an argumentative political discussion show in which he smoothly parried the efforts of the conservative host, Patrick J. Buchanan, to get him to agree that doing away with affirmative action would be a good thing.
'Real world' of blacks
In a perfect world, the congressman said, quotas and set-asides would not be necessary. But in the "real world," he insisted, minorities need protection from discrimination.
The congressman's deep baritone, developed during his years as a radio talk show host on Baltimore's WEBB, has enhanced his success in Washington, say colleagues. Mr. Stokes praised "the strength of his oratory."
From the other side of the aisle, Rep. Spencer Bachus, an Alabama Republican who serves on a committee with Mr. Mfume, said: "I think he's got a lot of class in the way he presents his opinions. I think it's very effective."
Mr. Mfume likened the November elections to a natural disaster, a "tidal wave" his party should have seen coming. Sixty-one Democrats were sent home by the voters. With them went the party's majority in both houses of Congress.
Mr. Mfume easily held onto his West Baltimore seat, which he won in 1986 after Parren J. Mitchell retired.
But he may have lost something in the election almost as important to him personally -- the momentum that had lifted him from the obscurity in which most junior congressmen dwell and transformed him into a national figure.
His star began to rise after he won the chairmanship of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1992.
That prominence reached a high point last year: His press conferences as chair of the Black Caucus were jammed; he was profiled in the New Yorker magazine and on the CBS news show "60 Minutes."
Under his leadership, and owing to a dramatic increase in its membership, the caucus became a more potent force in national politics. It provided the crucial votes to pass President Clinton's 1993 budget. And it was a major factor behind the president's decision to send U.S. troops to Haiti.
Mr. Mfume's administration of the Black Caucus was marked by controversy. He showed unexpected audacity in two decisions he made without securing the consent of the caucus membership.
The first was his declaration in 1993 that a "sacred covenant" existed between the caucus and Louis Farrakhan's Nation of Islam. Shocking to many when it was announced, the statement moved closer to notoriety after a Farrakhan aide publicly attacked Jews, homosexuals and the pope.
The second decision was to decline to meet with Mr. Clinton after the president abandoned his nomination of Lani Guinier to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division. The snub to Mr. Clinton reportedly met resistance within the caucus. Representative Stokes would say only, "He made the decision and we agreed."
Ronald Walters, head of Howard University's political science department, described those decisions as "heady stuff" and "gutsy." They did much to elevate Mr. Mfume's profile nationally.
To Rep. Bruce F. Vento, the Minnesota Democrat who sits on the Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs Committee with Mr. Mfume, those actions also revealed something about his colleague: "He understands the symbolism of leadership. He understands not to allow himself to be used."
Although the Black Caucus, along with 27 other legislative service groups, have been denied federal funds by the Republican majority, Mr. Mfume insists the organization is "very much alive."
Having lost its offices, staff and money, the caucus is trying to reconstitute itself on Capitol Hill in another form. It has 41 members, more than it has ever had in its 25 years of existence.
Mr. Mfume's reputation on the Hill seems to be fashioned from contradictory impulses. He is known for his talent for building coalitions and compromise; he fits in. He says he loves the "decorum," the ceremonies of the House.
At the same time, he has a maverick's willful independence, as his leadership of the caucus revealed. And it has paid off for him.
His decision with regard to Minister Farrakhan did not hurt him, and his refusal to meet with the president later caused powerful people to pay attention when he spoke. Also, his brief challenge to his party's House leadership after the election worked to his advantage.
Mr. Mfume is convinced the party failed in November because it did not try hard enough: "There is no reason why the Democratic Party, in my opinion, should not have energized its traditional bases," those being the elderly, labor, minorities, women and Jews.
To express his disapproval he challenged California Rep. Vic Fazio, the favored candidate of the party leadership, for chairman of the House Democratic Caucus, a position of influence and visibility.
'Height of hypocrisy'
"I just thought it was the height of hypocrisy to have a coronation [of the leadership] in light of the most overwhelming defeat of the party in 40 years," said Mr. Mfume.
He lost, but he also won: Shortly afterward the House minority leader, Rep. Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, offered Mr. Mfume his new job.
So what lies ahead for the former Baltimore City Council member now that he is no longer a name on everybody's lips on Capitol Hill?
Dr. Walters of Howard University sees two routes upward. One is through the party structure, where Mr. Mfume is already making progress.
The other path, he said, is within the context of the presidential race. "Who is going to emerge as the titular leader of the African-American part of the party?" Dr. Walters asked.
Mr. Mfume, he said, "could make a good case for that title."